[Kroatien] Update zu Gerichtsverfahren gegen zwei Aktivist*innen

This is an update on the court case involving G. and I., a German and an
Italian activist arrested in Croatia in September 2016 whilst helping a
family of 4 undocumented persons to reach Zagreb. The trial situates
itself in the context of the militarization of the European external
borders taking place between Serbia, Croatia and Hungary as well as the
widespread criminalization of migration and acts of solidarity,
affecting most countries.

Due to the progressive tightening of the external European borders since
September 2015 and the closure of the humanitarian corridor, which
temporarily instated some degree of free – although heavily
state-controlled – movement from Greece to central European countries,
the mainly transitory status of the Balkan region has invariably
transformed into a “buffer-zone”. The completion of a physical barrier
on the border between Hungary and Serbia was merely one amongst the
developments which led to thousands of people being stuck in Serbia,
with the only option of crossing illegally into Europe and facing not
only criminalization but also police violence. In fact, illegal
pushbacks carried out by border police both in Hungary and Croatia at
the expense of people who attempted to cross the border from Serbia and
expressed intent to request asylum, became standard practice and
continue up to this day. Beatings and dehumanizing acts against migrants
were and still are methodically perpetrated as well as overlooked by the
hypocritical Europe of “human rights”. In response, active humanitarian
and political groups started to record reports about police violence at
the borders and compiled the collected information in a project named
borderviolence.eu, in the attempt to show the systematic nature of these
events.

Among the most vulnerable and affected by these political developments
are those who do not possess enough capital to hire the services of
smugglers – potentially several times due to push-backs-, families and
minors. In November 2017, Madina, a six-year-old child from Afghanistan
was hit by a train and died as the Hussiny family was being illegally
sent back to Serbia on foot, in the dark, along the railroad tracks, by
overlooking Croatian authorities. Regardless of the child´s death, the
family was prevented from requesting asylum. The difficulty to reach the
E.U. forces many migrants to reside in Serbia for prolongued periods,
often in a limbo of rights and prospects.
The existence of so called “transit zones” on the Hungarian border,
which should supposedly create a safer and legal route for families and
children, only produced long waiting lists and lengthy processes and is
not a viable option for people traveling without a family. Furthermore
the waiting lists often created a corrupt business, which was connected
to deals with the commissariat or a lot of money for getting your name
on top of the list.

As everywhere else in Europe, actions of solidarity with people on the
move are met with a tough stance by Croatian authorities. On the morning
of the 21st of September 2016, G. and I. were driving in a car with the
family of 4 persons along a countryside road and ran into a border
police roadblock, about 50km from the Serbian border. As the family was
unable to provide identification, they were immediately brought to the
police station of Tovarnik, a small town near the Serbian border. There,
after hours of interrogation, G. and I. were finally detained as well
and awaited trial on the grounds of favouring illegal entry, movement
and stay in the country. The family´s right to request asylum was denied
– as it is standard practice – but they were nonetheless detained for
three days in order to testify as main witnesses against the two
activists, before being pushed back to Serbia.

The conditions in detention were particularly bad for the family. They
had to stay in the cell at the police station for three days. During
that period of time, only one of them was allowed to leave the cell for
one cigarette. The food which was given to them was little and they were
denied access to medical care for the sick father. Additionally it is
not sure, if they were being asked or interviewed by the police.
Probably one of them was forced to sign a paper which was not
translated. This would explain the false statement the police did about
the fantasy interview with the family (see below). G. and I., who were
unexpectedly kept in the same cell the whole time, had scarce access to
the lawyers and external information, so they were mostly waiting for
the first trial date.
After the first trial of the case, the family was pushed back to Serbia,
although they asked for asylum. But this was not taken serious by the
officials, as it is a standard procedure in Croatia. During their
push-back they were threatened by the police to be beaten up.

The criminal charges brought against G. and I. are grounded in a false
testimony collected from the familyaccording to which there would have been an economic exchange between the family and the activists. At the time, according to Croatian and
European law, human trafficking invariably involved a monetary exchange
or some degree of exploitation, a clause which is being ignored or at
times fabricated in order to criminalize acts of solidarity from civil
society. It is still unclear how the false statement was collected and
signed by the family, however during the trial there was a turn around
moment in which the one witness who was brought forth to testify against
G. and I. confirmed the version of events expressed by the activists,
denying the truthfulness of the previous statement. Nonetheless the two
activists were sentenced to one month of investigative prison, under the
baseless conviction that they could flee. After only 11 days, thanks to
an incredible show of international solidarity, 14.000 euros were raised
in order to bail them out.
After two years of wait, they are still awaiting to be notified of the
first official trial date. The only action taken by the police so far
was a phone search, in the attempt to find any reference to previous
knowledge of the family and a possible monetary exchange. Although a
plea deal was offered by the state, G. and I. have not accepted it in
their refusal to accept a wrongful conviction. In case of being declared
guilty, the plaintiff will propose a 8 months prison sentence on parole
and the payment of a fine, in addition to the lawyer fees that are
estimated to reach 10.000 euros all together.

Militarization and externalization of the European border regime are
first priority of the European Union. Whereas the E.U. is making Deals
with dictatorships and authoritarian regimes (i.e. EU-Turkey Deal), acts
of support and of solidarity are more and more criminalized. These
political tendencies are alerting! We will keep fighting and standing in
solidarity with people on the move and with people accused of crimes of
solidarity!

Solidarity will win!

Against all borders and cages!

[Harmanli21] Vier von 21 Angeklagten bleiben im Gefängnis

Artikel von Genoss*innen aus Bulgarien (https://harmanli21.wordpress.com/2018/11/13/four-out-of-21-accused-remain-in-a-closed-door-camp-in-lyubimets-in-connection-with-the-riots-in-harmanli/).

Four out of 21 accused remain in a closed-door camp in Lyubimets, in connection with the riots in Harmanli

Abstract of the court session which took place on 24th and 25th of October 2018 to decide the case of the ones considered as participants in the riots erupted at the largest refugee camp for accommodating people in need of international protection on 24th of November 2018.

The legal proceeding against the accused migrants has finally started. 7 attended out of the 10 that were present at the sessions until recently. It has became clear that three of them have previously asked for reconsidering their detention measures as letting them to go back to Afghanistan. The Court has respected the request and the other three have given a claim of the same kind which has been approved during the session as well. This means that at the moment 4 out the initial 21 accused are continuing to stay in the closed facility of Luybimets. In all likelihood they will struggle to prove their innocence.

During the two days of the judicial proceeding, there were around 30 witnesses of the events from 24.11.2016 testifying the trial. Most of them were representatives of the riot police from Pleven, Plovdiv and Kazanlak. Although some employees of the State Agency for Refugees (SAR), in particular those from the Registration Reception Center (RRC) of Harmanli were also officially summoned, there were no migrants speaking up. The accused themselves were yet not given a voice to share their perspective on the open resistance back in November. Among the police witnesses neither seniors, nor commanders of the police actions during the riots were present. However, according to their statements their commanders were negotiating with some of the protesting migrants but no one could not have said what the gist of the negotiations was. Moreover, none of the police officers was able to clearly state that the accused present in the court hall were direct participants in the riots. Yet, most of the officers have experienced minor injuries.

As already mentioned, the rest of the witnesses were representatives of SAR employed at RRC – Harmanli. In their hearing few things became clear – that the capacity of the camp was seriously exceeded during the days prior to the riots; and that there was an ongoing fuzzy procedure regarding the quarantine due to quite a high degree of delusions coming from the local nationalist political parties. Moving on, and grounded on their words, (pre-)conditions to determine whether or not the camp residents should have been kept in isolation did not exist. Despite, all of them were prohibited to leave the camp premises. Interestingly, the access to the working places of the SAR employees at the RRC was not denied (although the camp was supposedly in quarantine). Thus, they have became unwillingly eyewitnesses to the incident. The SAR representatives could also not claim if some of the present accused migrants was part of the group, 40 – 50 member sized (out of 2 000 – 3 000 migrants accommodated at the reception center, but closed back then; most of them were protesting against the inhumane situation they were put under unlawfully), considered as the main actors who ended in clashes with the police. Lastly, according to the SAR statements, almost all of the camp residents gathered at the ex-parade ground to express discontent in the time of the riots.

Amongst the officially summoned riot’s observers, only one policeman and one employee of SAR (who could be easily mistaken with an employee of another agency called National security), pointed on three of the accused as indirect participants in the riots. According to them, they should be suspected of instigating the others, however, no solid evidence was presented.

After all, the caused damage to the reception center lowers to one common lounge room (where the food was previously given). Some of the policemen have told before the court audience that a damage was also made over the water cannon, most probably caused by makeshift slings. The on-field-officers were pelted with stones and other objects as this was accompanied with obscene gestures and insults such as “Fuck the Police!” and “Open the gates, open the borders!”.

It is important to drawn attention on the fact that by now, in all of the judicial proceedings, the police violence was out of question. It is this physical force that erupted after the end of the riot, and performed in the migrant’s rooms. Some of the official defenders were asked for this, and their response was that the accused did not say anything on the topic. It is more than obvious those appointed defenders do not have any intentions neither to voice the issue, nor to signal the prosecutor.

None of the attendants pleaded guilty to the charge of the accusations. The very few and not persuasive testimonies are partially based on a video recording that we never saw. However, according to the appointed lawyers the recording is of a bad quality, and identification would not really be possible.

Two people supported the migrants by raising a banner, at which the migrants reacted positively.

[Grenze Bosnien / Kroatien] Proteste und Zuspitzung, 28. Oktober 2018

[Bosnien / Kroatien] Zuspitzung an der EU-Grenze // 28. Oktober 2018

silent protest in front of the border Bosnia / Croatia

In Velika Kladusa an der Bosnisch-Kroatischen Grenzen haben seit Dienstag, den 23. Oktober bis zu 500 Menschen ein Protestcamp errichtet und halten damit den offiziellen Grenzübergang blockiert. Als Reaktion auf die Gewalt der kroatischen Grenzpolizei sowohl bei individuellen Grenzübertritten als auch bei dem Versuch eines kollektiven Durchbruchs am Mittwoch, 24. Oktober betonen die Protestierenden, dass ihr Protest gewaltfrei ist, sie aber nicht freiwillig zurückgehen werden. „We‘re going to stay here, until there is a decision from Europe.“ sagten uns die Demonstrierenden.

Wir haben mit Menschen bei dem Protest gesprochen und Interviews geführt. Diese und ander Videos vom Protest könnt ihr hier sehen:

Interview mit Protestierender in Velika Kladusa Continue reading

[Montenegro] Transit-Land auf der “neuen” Route // 24. Oktober 2018

[Montenegro] Transit-Land auf der „neuen“ Route // 24. Oktober 2018

Anfang des Jahres 2018 scheint sich eine „neue Route“ von Griechenland aus in Richtung Norden etabliert zu haben. Nachdem 2016 zehntausende Menschen nach dem EU-Türkei-Deal in Camps überall in Griechenland festsaßen und ohne Perspektive warten mussten, gehen die Menschen inzwischen auch weiter im Westen über den bergigen Weg durch Albanien und Montenegro bis nach Bosnien und Herzegowina. Alle diese Länder sind keine Mitglieder der EU. Die Geografie ist geprägt von Gebirgen und Wäldern und nur sehr mühselig zu Fuß zu durchqueren. Trotzdem kommen neben mehrheitlich alleinreisenden jungen Menschen auch Familien über diese Route, viele von ihnen legen den ganzen Weg zu Fuß zurück.

In der Mitte dieser neuen Strecke liegt das kleine Land Montenegro. Continue reading

[Harmanli21] Anhörung der Angeklagten erneut verschoben

Wir dokumentieren einen Artikel von bordermonitoring Bulgaria:

Court Hearing against the Harmanli 21 again postponed

On the 27th of September the postponed trial (from the 11th and 12th September) took place. Again only 10 Afghan migrants appeared in front of the court. The court did not do a hearing with them. A small group protested once more in front of the court in Solidarity with the accused migrants. The police intervened and stopped the protest by removing the banners and checking the ID cards of the protestors.

[Bosnien] Neuer Bericht aus Bosnien, 13. Oktober 2018

Bericht zur Lage in Bosnien // 13. Oktober 2018

Die Situation in Bosnien unterscheidet sich stark von der in Serbien. Viele Ortsansässige sind sehr freundlich und solidarisch, und verschiedene Organisationen – sowohl NGOs als auch Offizielle (UNHCR, IOM, etc.) – sind hier tätig. Auch die MSF sind aktiv und (wie immer) eine große Unterstützung für freiwillige Gruppen. Außerdem gibt es mehrere aktive Freiwilligengruppierungen, von denen aber nicht viele explizit politisch sind und einige, die mit IOM kooperieren (und dementsprechend von ihnen abhängig sind).

Bisher war die Polizei recht freundlich: sie schlagen niemanden systematisch zusammen und Menschen, die von Bosnien nach Serbien gehen, werden vor Landminen gewarnt statt zurückgedrängt. Mit der steigenden Anzahl von Menschen, die nach Bosnien kommen, wird die Polizei jedoch zunehmend überfordert, Konflikte verschärfen sich und letzte Woche gab es die erste Messerstecherei in Sarajevo.

Hauptbahnhof in Sarajevo, Bosnien – photo credits: BASIS Sarajevo

Außerdem gibt es Gerüchte über einen Migranten, der vor kurzem in Sarajevo gestorben sein soll, was wahrscheinlich ein Unfall war; allerdings hat niemand nähere Informationen dazu. Wir versuchen weiterhin, Näheres dazu zu erfahren. Die Zahl der Fälle von Polizeigewalt steigt an und es werden Videos veröffentlicht, die zeigen, wie Migranten/Geflüchtete willkürlich geschlagen werden, wie Polizisten Migranten/Geflüchtete beleidigen, und Berichte über Freiwillige, die sich für eine menschenwürdige Behandlung von Geflüchteten einsetzen, die von der Polizei herumgeschubst werden. Außerdem gibt es Zeugenaussagen zu bosnischer Polizeigewalt, aber auch diverse Berichte über Raub durch die bosnische Polizei in Republika Srpska, wo die Polizei Geflüchtete/Migranten dazu brachte zu bezahlen, damit sie ihren Weg fortsetzen dürften, und sie dann eine halbe Stunde spaeter mit Polizeiwagen abfing um sie wieder zurückzudrängen. Es gibt Berichte über kroatische Polizisten, die Menschen in verminte Gebiete zurückdrängen, nachdem sie sie ausgeraubt und geschlagen haben. Außerdem gibt es Berichte über bosnische Polizisten aus Republika Srpska, die Menschen dazu zwangen, sich bis auf die Unterwäsche auszuziehen, um sie dann in Handschellen zu legen, sie zu schlagen und sie in einem verlassenen Haus zurückzulassen, wo sie schließlich von Ortsansässigen gefunden wurden, die ihnen Kleidung gaben und sie in einen Bus nach Sarajevo setzten. Andere Berichte sprechen von mehreren ertrunkenen Menschen in Flüssen, und weiterhin unbestätigte Berichte über Menschen, die beim Durchqueren von Bergregionen von Steinschlag getroffen wurden.

Dann ist da noch Velika Kladusa, eine kleinere Stadt im Grenzgebiet. Hier gibt es ein semi-offizielles Wildcamp, in dem auch No Name Kitchen arbeitet, Essen verteilt wird und Duschen zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Mittlerweile kommen auch andere Organisationen dort an, und weil die Lage noch recht chaotisch ist, kommt auch die Polizei, die bisher allerdings keine Schwierigkeiten macht sondern sich eher mit der Kontrolle und Verteilung der Menschenmengen beschäftigt. 

Wildes Lager in Velika Kladus, photo credits to NoNameKitchen

Freiwillige sind zum größten Teil längerfristig dort, scheinen überarbeitet und es ist schwierig in bestehenden Strukturen mitzuwirken. Besonders an V. Kladusa ist die Tatsache, dass die slowenische Grenze nur noch 70-80 km entfernt ist, wenn man es von hier aus geschafft hat, die Grenze nach Kroatien zu überqueren. Allerdings wird die Grenze mit Geräten wie (soweit wir wissen) einer Art Audioradar, Dronen, Infrarotkameras stark überwacht und auch hier werden Menschen von Slowenien nach Bosnien zurückgedrängt (2 Grenzüberquerungen). Es gibt Berichte über schwere Gewalt besonders durch die kroatische Polizei, wenn Menschen zurückgedrängt werden. Diese Gewalt beinhaltet sowohl Schlägereien als auch Raub von Kleidungsstücken, Telefonen und Schuhen; auch Frauen und Kinder sind betroffen.

Der nächste Ort ist Bihac. Wir waren noch nicht dort, aber die viele der Geflüchteten/Migranten sind hier. Bald soll hier ein offizielles Camp für ca. 1.000 Menschen entstehen, aber bisher ist es nichts weiter als ein leerer Rohbau namens Borici Camp, das früher mal ein Studentenwohnheim war aber dann verlassen wurde. Das Gebäude ist so heruntergekommen, dass es Löcher in den Böden hat, durch die Menschen fallen, und Treppen ohne Geländer.

“Offizielles Lager” Borici in Bihac, photo credits: Balkan Insights

Es wird vom Bosnischen Roten Kreuz betrieben und ist auch für Familien geöffnet, die aus Sarajevo dorthin geschickt werden. Auch von hier aus versuchen Menschen die westliche Grenze nach Kroatien zu überqueren. Auf den ersten Blick scheint das nicht viel Sinn zu ergeben, weil der Weg durch das feindliche Kroatien viel länger ist, doch weil die Grenze bei V. Kladusa so stark überwacht wird, müssen die Menschen ihr Glück anderswo versuchen. Es gibt Berichte über eine große Schlägerei zwischen verschiedenen Ethnizitäten vor einigen Tagen, nach der die Polizei Menschen wegschickte. Diese Berichte kamen aus Velika Kladusa, wo einige Menschen hingeschickt wurden. Die meisten Menschen kehrten jedoch direkt nach Bihac zurück. Die Bedingungen im offiziellen Camp in Bihac sind besser für Familien, da es dort angeblich medizinische Unterstützung gibt und die Menschen nicht in Sommerzelten auf schlammigen Feldern campen müssen.

Ein weiterer Ort des Geschehens ist Mostar, das weiter im Südwesten von Bosnien liegt. Dort gibt es ein sogenanntes Empfangszentrum namens Salakovac mit einem offiziellen Camp. Auch von hier aus versuchen Menschen die Grenze zu überqueren. Außerdem gibt es dort viele Kinder, weil die Einrichtung für Familien bestimmt ist.

In Delijas gibt es ein Camp und offenes Empfangszentrum für alleinreisende Männer, das einen Ruheplatz und medizinische Versorgung anbietet. Solange Delijas nicht voll ist, können IOM, UNHCR und die bosnischen Behörden sagen, dass noch Platz in den Camps ist. Es ist 3 Stunden von der nächsten Bushaltestelle und eine Stunde vom nächsten kleineren Laden entfernt. Zusätzlich dazu muss man berücksichtigen, dass es praktisch kein Telefonnetz gibt, sodass es unmöglich ist, mit der Familie zu kommunizieren oder anderweitig Informationen zu erhalten.

credits fuer Korrektur und Uebersetzung an J. Schley, Berlin

[Harmanli21] Repression und Rassismus gegen Protestierende beim Prozess gegen die Harmanli21

Wir dokumentieren einen Bericht von Genoss*innen des FreeTheHarmanli21-Kampagne aus Bulgarien (https://harmanli21.wordpress.com/):

On September 27, 2018,  took place the postponed on the 11th and 12th September consecutive session of the Regional Court in Harmanli against the accused in the destruction of public property and hooliganism of 10 out of 21 migrants from Afghanistan.

Once again the long-awaited hearing of the accused themselves has not happened. The reason is that witnesses are missing. The next court hearing is scheduled for October 24th and 25th at 9:30 am.

Shortly after the end of the session, two people waved banners with the slogans “Freedom for the 21 migrants from Harmanli” and “No one is illegal” and chanted “Freedom” and “Azadi” (“Freedom” in most languages of the Iranian group). Literally a minute after the start of the action, they were forced by the police to remove the banners, searched and checked their ID cards. The policemen said they had no right to protest infront of the court, saying: “Who told you that you can protest here?!”. One of the policemen said that as protecting them, they need to know what immense damage the migrants caused during the 2016 rebellion. One of the protesters said she had been an emigrant for most of her life and she knows very well what it is like to be in such a situation, to which the policeman replied (quote): “Yes, but there is a big difference between white and black migrants”… Asked for his name to be quoted for this frankly racist speech, he refused to give and legitimize. A little later, another police officer said that the name of the one with the racist speech is Lyuben Lyubenov, which is hardly true.

From all this, to us it follows that the attention of the authorities is already drawn and that it will be more and more difficult to protest without notice even outside the Harmanli court. We are also not surprised by the frankly racist attitude of a representative of the Bulgarian police towards people from the Middle East as a whole and Afghanistan in particular.

[Röszke11] Das letzte Urteil: 5 Jahre Haft für Ahmed H.

Wir dokumentieren einen Bericht der Kampagne FreetheRöszke11 von der wir auch Teil sind:

The trial is over. We are somehow speechless, captured between hope and rage about the conviction. We need to reflect upon the final verdict and will soon publish a statement. For now, all our thoughts and messages are with Ahmed!

Nonetheless we share with you a statement of the international observation delegation, amongst others formed by European Civic Forum and Swiss Democratic Lawyers:
(get their pdf in English // Deutsch // Francais)

Statement of the international observation delegation of the trial against Ahmed H.

Szeged, Hungary, 20.9.2018
On September 20 th 2018, we were again as international observers at the trial against the Syrian Ahmed Hamed in Szeged (Southern Hungary). In September 2015, Ahmed H. had accompanied his parents and his brother’s family fleeing the war from Syria to Europe. He himself is married to a Cypriot woman and has two children with her. He was helping his family for obvious humanitarian reasons. Unfortunately, violent clashes between the police and the refugees occurred near the little town of Röszke after the sudden closing down of the Hungarian border. Ahmed was then arrested as a “gang leader”.

In the first instance, Ahmed H. was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment for “terrorism” in a summary trial. In the revision in March 2018, at which we already assisted, the sentence was reduced to 7 years. The accusation of terrorism remained.
Now the trial in the second instance took place before the Court of Appeal in Szeged.
After the pleas of the public prosecutor’s office and the defence, as well as the final word of the accused, the three judges announced their verdict the same morning. Although the prosecutor still insisted on an extremely high sentence of 14 to 25 years of imprisonment, the judges reduced the sentence to 5 years.
The Court of Appeal considered it as proven that Ahmed H. had initially mediated in the protests against the closing of the border and helped injured persons. After the police had massively used tear gas and water cannons against the migrants, old people and children, Ahmed and other migrants threw stones against the police
officers posted behind the border fence. The judges argued that through his behaviour, the accused had used forceful means to demand that Hungarian border should be opened for migrants – against the will of the police and of the Hungarian state. In their interpretation, this equalled terrorist handling. In our eyes, this is an untenable construct to legitimise the accusation of “terrorism”. In Hungary, terrorism is punishable by a minimum sentence of 10 years of prison. The Court of Appeal pronounced, like the second judgement of the first instance, even less than the minimum sentence because it took into account Ahmed’s mediating behaviour and his
regret about the stones he had thrown.
But nevertheless: Ahmed H. is now convicted as a terrorist for having thrown five stones from a distance of 30 meters against a police cordon. Nobody had been hit or injured. As international observers, we are extremely shocked by this sentence. This verdict shows once again that the trial was a political trial, in which Ahmed H. had to serve as a scapegoat to justify the anti-refugee and racist policies of the Hungarian government. The sentence equally shows the lack of independence of the judges from the government. Moreover, through the extensive use of the concept of terrorism, the verdict opens the door to the further criminalization of refugees and their supporters as well as of possible oppositional social movements.

Ahmed H. has already been in detention for three long years. The court recognises that these 3 years will be taken in account in the punishment of 5 years. Additionally, Ahmed has been banned from the country for 10 years and has to stand up for most of the costs of the proceedings. Fortunately, the judges also ordered the transfer of Ahmed to the normal prison system and stated that if good conduct continued, he could be released conditionally in four months.

We hope that Ahmed H. will soon be able to return to his wife and children! This would at last be the end of a kafkaesque tragedy that has shown the lack of independence of the legal system from a brutal political power.

Claude Braun (CH), Camillo Römer (D) and Michael Rössler (CH, D) from the European
Civic Forum, Basel (CH)

Guido Ehrler, lawyer, Basel (CH), mandated by the Democratic Jurists Switzerland

[Hurriya] Freispruch für 60 Angeklagte der Hurriya-Besetzung

Freispruch  für 60 Angeklagte im letzten Gerichtstermin der Hurriya-Besetzung am 17. September 2018

Nach bereits fünf Verschiebungen der Prozesstermine seit der Räumung der gefüchtetensolidarischen Hurriya-Besetzung in Thessaloniki nach dem No Border Camp im Juli 2016, ist es nun endlich zu einer Urteilsverkündung gekommen. Den 60 angeklagten Personen wurde Störung öffentlichen Friedens und kollektive Beteiligung an krimineller Sachbeschädigung in besonders hohem Wert vorgeworfen. 30 von 60 Personen wurde darüber hinaus Verstoß gegen das Präsidialdekret vorgeworfen (hierbei handelt es sich vermutlich um diejenigen, die die Abgabe von Fingerabdrücke und Fotos verweigert haben).

Anmerkung: Die oben genannten Vorwürfe sind aus dem griechischen Gesetz und ins Deutsche übersetzt, deshalb nicht eins zu eins auf deutsche Rechtslage übertragbar.

Aufgrund des Mangels an personalisierten Beweisen der 60 Personen war das gerichtliche Urteil ein Freispruch in allen oben aufgezählten Punkten für alle Beteiligten dieses Gerichtsprozesses. Die 60 Angeklagten wurden von sechs solidarischen Anwält*innen vertreten und die Kosten, die für diesen Prozess entstanden sind, trägt die Kampagne You cant evict solidarity.

Ein großer Dank und Anerkennung geht an die sechs Anwält*innen, die die Menschen ausdauernd in den immer wieder verschobenen Prozessterminen vertreten haben! Wir freuen uns,sehr über das positive Resultat des Prozesses mit einem Freispruch für alle – insbesondere in so extrem repressiven Zeiten wie diesen.

Dennoch: noch immer sind viele Menschen von Repressionen betroffen und dafür geht der Kampf weiter!

Our passion for freedom is stronger than any prison!