Tag Archives: Prozess

[Harmanli21] Vier von 21 Angeklagten bleiben im Gefängnis

Artikel von Genoss*innen aus Bulgarien (https://harmanli21.wordpress.com/2018/11/13/four-out-of-21-accused-remain-in-a-closed-door-camp-in-lyubimets-in-connection-with-the-riots-in-harmanli/).

Four out of 21 accused remain in a closed-door camp in Lyubimets, in connection with the riots in Harmanli

Abstract of the court session which took place on 24th and 25th of October 2018 to decide the case of the ones considered as participants in the riots erupted at the largest refugee camp for accommodating people in need of international protection on 24th of November 2018.

The legal proceeding against the accused migrants has finally started. 7 attended out of the 10 that were present at the sessions until recently. It has became clear that three of them have previously asked for reconsidering their detention measures as letting them to go back to Afghanistan. The Court has respected the request and the other three have given a claim of the same kind which has been approved during the session as well. This means that at the moment 4 out the initial 21 accused are continuing to stay in the closed facility of Luybimets. In all likelihood they will struggle to prove their innocence.

During the two days of the judicial proceeding, there were around 30 witnesses of the events from 24.11.2016 testifying the trial. Most of them were representatives of the riot police from Pleven, Plovdiv and Kazanlak. Although some employees of the State Agency for Refugees (SAR), in particular those from the Registration Reception Center (RRC) of Harmanli were also officially summoned, there were no migrants speaking up. The accused themselves were yet not given a voice to share their perspective on the open resistance back in November. Among the police witnesses neither seniors, nor commanders of the police actions during the riots were present. However, according to their statements their commanders were negotiating with some of the protesting migrants but no one could not have said what the gist of the negotiations was. Moreover, none of the police officers was able to clearly state that the accused present in the court hall were direct participants in the riots. Yet, most of the officers have experienced minor injuries.

As already mentioned, the rest of the witnesses were representatives of SAR employed at RRC – Harmanli. In their hearing few things became clear – that the capacity of the camp was seriously exceeded during the days prior to the riots; and that there was an ongoing fuzzy procedure regarding the quarantine due to quite a high degree of delusions coming from the local nationalist political parties. Moving on, and grounded on their words, (pre-)conditions to determine whether or not the camp residents should have been kept in isolation did not exist. Despite, all of them were prohibited to leave the camp premises. Interestingly, the access to the working places of the SAR employees at the RRC was not denied (although the camp was supposedly in quarantine). Thus, they have became unwillingly eyewitnesses to the incident. The SAR representatives could also not claim if some of the present accused migrants was part of the group, 40 – 50 member sized (out of 2 000 – 3 000 migrants accommodated at the reception center, but closed back then; most of them were protesting against the inhumane situation they were put under unlawfully), considered as the main actors who ended in clashes with the police. Lastly, according to the SAR statements, almost all of the camp residents gathered at the ex-parade ground to express discontent in the time of the riots.

Amongst the officially summoned riot’s observers, only one policeman and one employee of SAR (who could be easily mistaken with an employee of another agency called National security), pointed on three of the accused as indirect participants in the riots. According to them, they should be suspected of instigating the others, however, no solid evidence was presented.

After all, the caused damage to the reception center lowers to one common lounge room (where the food was previously given). Some of the policemen have told before the court audience that a damage was also made over the water cannon, most probably caused by makeshift slings. The on-field-officers were pelted with stones and other objects as this was accompanied with obscene gestures and insults such as “Fuck the Police!” and “Open the gates, open the borders!”.

It is important to drawn attention on the fact that by now, in all of the judicial proceedings, the police violence was out of question. It is this physical force that erupted after the end of the riot, and performed in the migrant’s rooms. Some of the official defenders were asked for this, and their response was that the accused did not say anything on the topic. It is more than obvious those appointed defenders do not have any intentions neither to voice the issue, nor to signal the prosecutor.

None of the attendants pleaded guilty to the charge of the accusations. The very few and not persuasive testimonies are partially based on a video recording that we never saw. However, according to the appointed lawyers the recording is of a bad quality, and identification would not really be possible.

Two people supported the migrants by raising a banner, at which the migrants reacted positively.

[Harmanli21] Anhörung der Angeklagten erneut verschoben

Wir dokumentieren einen Artikel von bordermonitoring Bulgaria:

Court Hearing against the Harmanli 21 again postponed

On the 27th of September the postponed trial (from the 11th and 12th September) took place. Again only 10 Afghan migrants appeared in front of the court. The court did not do a hearing with them. A small group protested once more in front of the court in Solidarity with the accused migrants. The police intervened and stopped the protest by removing the banners and checking the ID cards of the protestors.

[Harmanli21] Repression und Rassismus gegen Protestierende beim Prozess gegen die Harmanli21

Wir dokumentieren einen Bericht von Genoss*innen des FreeTheHarmanli21-Kampagne aus Bulgarien (https://harmanli21.wordpress.com/):

On September 27, 2018,  took place the postponed on the 11th and 12th September consecutive session of the Regional Court in Harmanli against the accused in the destruction of public property and hooliganism of 10 out of 21 migrants from Afghanistan.

Once again the long-awaited hearing of the accused themselves has not happened. The reason is that witnesses are missing. The next court hearing is scheduled for October 24th and 25th at 9:30 am.

Shortly after the end of the session, two people waved banners with the slogans “Freedom for the 21 migrants from Harmanli” and “No one is illegal” and chanted “Freedom” and “Azadi” (“Freedom” in most languages of the Iranian group). Literally a minute after the start of the action, they were forced by the police to remove the banners, searched and checked their ID cards. The policemen said they had no right to protest infront of the court, saying: “Who told you that you can protest here?!”. One of the policemen said that as protecting them, they need to know what immense damage the migrants caused during the 2016 rebellion. One of the protesters said she had been an emigrant for most of her life and she knows very well what it is like to be in such a situation, to which the policeman replied (quote): “Yes, but there is a big difference between white and black migrants”… Asked for his name to be quoted for this frankly racist speech, he refused to give and legitimize. A little later, another police officer said that the name of the one with the racist speech is Lyuben Lyubenov, which is hardly true.

From all this, to us it follows that the attention of the authorities is already drawn and that it will be more and more difficult to protest without notice even outside the Harmanli court. We are also not surprised by the frankly racist attitude of a representative of the Bulgarian police towards people from the Middle East as a whole and Afghanistan in particular.

[Röszke11] Das letzte Urteil: 5 Jahre Haft für Ahmed H.

Wir dokumentieren einen Bericht der Kampagne FreetheRöszke11 von der wir auch Teil sind:

The trial is over. We are somehow speechless, captured between hope and rage about the conviction. We need to reflect upon the final verdict and will soon publish a statement. For now, all our thoughts and messages are with Ahmed!

Nonetheless we share with you a statement of the international observation delegation, amongst others formed by European Civic Forum and Swiss Democratic Lawyers:
(get their pdf in English // Deutsch // Francais)

Statement of the international observation delegation of the trial against Ahmed H.

Szeged, Hungary, 20.9.2018
On September 20 th 2018, we were again as international observers at the trial against the Syrian Ahmed Hamed in Szeged (Southern Hungary). In September 2015, Ahmed H. had accompanied his parents and his brother’s family fleeing the war from Syria to Europe. He himself is married to a Cypriot woman and has two children with her. He was helping his family for obvious humanitarian reasons. Unfortunately, violent clashes between the police and the refugees occurred near the little town of Röszke after the sudden closing down of the Hungarian border. Ahmed was then arrested as a “gang leader”.

In the first instance, Ahmed H. was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment for “terrorism” in a summary trial. In the revision in March 2018, at which we already assisted, the sentence was reduced to 7 years. The accusation of terrorism remained.
Now the trial in the second instance took place before the Court of Appeal in Szeged.
After the pleas of the public prosecutor’s office and the defence, as well as the final word of the accused, the three judges announced their verdict the same morning. Although the prosecutor still insisted on an extremely high sentence of 14 to 25 years of imprisonment, the judges reduced the sentence to 5 years.
The Court of Appeal considered it as proven that Ahmed H. had initially mediated in the protests against the closing of the border and helped injured persons. After the police had massively used tear gas and water cannons against the migrants, old people and children, Ahmed and other migrants threw stones against the police
officers posted behind the border fence. The judges argued that through his behaviour, the accused had used forceful means to demand that Hungarian border should be opened for migrants – against the will of the police and of the Hungarian state. In their interpretation, this equalled terrorist handling. In our eyes, this is an untenable construct to legitimise the accusation of “terrorism”. In Hungary, terrorism is punishable by a minimum sentence of 10 years of prison. The Court of Appeal pronounced, like the second judgement of the first instance, even less than the minimum sentence because it took into account Ahmed’s mediating behaviour and his
regret about the stones he had thrown.
But nevertheless: Ahmed H. is now convicted as a terrorist for having thrown five stones from a distance of 30 meters against a police cordon. Nobody had been hit or injured. As international observers, we are extremely shocked by this sentence. This verdict shows once again that the trial was a political trial, in which Ahmed H. had to serve as a scapegoat to justify the anti-refugee and racist policies of the Hungarian government. The sentence equally shows the lack of independence of the judges from the government. Moreover, through the extensive use of the concept of terrorism, the verdict opens the door to the further criminalization of refugees and their supporters as well as of possible oppositional social movements.

Ahmed H. has already been in detention for three long years. The court recognises that these 3 years will be taken in account in the punishment of 5 years. Additionally, Ahmed has been banned from the country for 10 years and has to stand up for most of the costs of the proceedings. Fortunately, the judges also ordered the transfer of Ahmed to the normal prison system and stated that if good conduct continued, he could be released conditionally in four months.

We hope that Ahmed H. will soon be able to return to his wife and children! This would at last be the end of a kafkaesque tragedy that has shown the lack of independence of the legal system from a brutal political power.

Claude Braun (CH), Camillo Römer (D) and Michael Rössler (CH, D) from the European
Civic Forum, Basel (CH)

Guido Ehrler, lawyer, Basel (CH), mandated by the Democratic Jurists Switzerland

[Hurriya] Freispruch für 60 Angeklagte der Hurriya-Besetzung

Freispruch  für 60 Angeklagte im letzten Gerichtstermin der Hurriya-Besetzung am 17. September 2018

Nach bereits fünf Verschiebungen der Prozesstermine seit der Räumung der gefüchtetensolidarischen Hurriya-Besetzung in Thessaloniki nach dem No Border Camp im Juli 2016, ist es nun endlich zu einer Urteilsverkündung gekommen. Den 60 angeklagten Personen wurde Störung öffentlichen Friedens und kollektive Beteiligung an krimineller Sachbeschädigung in besonders hohem Wert vorgeworfen. 30 von 60 Personen wurde darüber hinaus Verstoß gegen das Präsidialdekret vorgeworfen (hierbei handelt es sich vermutlich um diejenigen, die die Abgabe von Fingerabdrücke und Fotos verweigert haben).

Anmerkung: Die oben genannten Vorwürfe sind aus dem griechischen Gesetz und ins Deutsche übersetzt, deshalb nicht eins zu eins auf deutsche Rechtslage übertragbar.

Aufgrund des Mangels an personalisierten Beweisen der 60 Personen war das gerichtliche Urteil ein Freispruch in allen oben aufgezählten Punkten für alle Beteiligten dieses Gerichtsprozesses. Die 60 Angeklagten wurden von sechs solidarischen Anwält*innen vertreten und die Kosten, die für diesen Prozess entstanden sind, trägt die Kampagne You cant evict solidarity.

Ein großer Dank und Anerkennung geht an die sechs Anwält*innen, die die Menschen ausdauernd in den immer wieder verschobenen Prozessterminen vertreten haben! Wir freuen uns,sehr über das positive Resultat des Prozesses mit einem Freispruch für alle – insbesondere in so extrem repressiven Zeiten wie diesen.

Dennoch: noch immer sind viele Menschen von Repressionen betroffen und dafür geht der Kampf weiter!

Our passion for freedom is stronger than any prison!

[Ungarn] Erklärung der internationalen Beobachtungsdelegation am Prozess gegen Ahmed H. Szeged, Ungarn, 20.9.2018

Am 20. September 2018 waren wir erneut als internationale Beobachter beim Prozess gegen den Syrer Ahmed Hamed in Szeged (Südungarn). Ahmed H. hatte im September 2015 seine Eltern und die Familie seines Bruders auf der Flucht von Syrien nach Europa begleitet und aus menschlicher Not gehandelt, als es nach der plötzlichen Schliessung der ungarischen Grenze zu gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Polizei und den Flüchtenden kam. Danach wurde er als „Rädelsführer“ verhaftet.

In der ersten Instanz war Ahmed H. in einem Schnellverfahren zu 10 Jahren Haft wegen „Terrorismus“ verurteilt worden. In der Revision im März 2018, an der wir bereits anwesend waren, wurde das Strafmass auf 7 Jahre reduziert. Der Terrorvorwurf blieb bestehen.

Jetzt fand die Verhandlung in der zweiten Instanz vor dem Berufungsgericht in Szeged statt. Nach den Plädoyers der Staatsanwaltschaft und der Verteidigung sowie dem Schlusswort des Angeklagten kam es noch am Morgen zur Urteilverkündigung der drei RichterInnen. Obwohl die Staatsanwaltschaft nach wie vor auf einem extrem hohen Strafmass von 14 bis zu 25 Jahren Gefängnis beharrte, reduzierten die RichterInnen die Strafe von der ersten Instanz noch einmal auf jetzt 5 Jahre. Das Berufungsgericht hielt es für erwiesen, dass Ahmed H. bei den Protesten gegen die Schliessung der Grenze anfänglich vermittelt und verletzten Personen geholfen hatte, sich dann aber nach mehreren Stunden zu fünf Steinwürfen gegen die hinter dem Grenzzaun postierten Polizisten hinreissen liess, nachdem diese massiv Tränengas und Wasserwerfer auch gegen alte Menschen und Kinder eingesetzt hatten.

Durch sein Verhalten habe der Angeklagte unter Anwendung von Gewalt die Forderung erhoben, gegen den Willen der Polizeiführung ungarisches Territorium rechtswidrig zu betreten. Er wollte somit die Staatsorgane nötigen, die Grenze zu öffnen – eine in unseren Augen unhaltbares Konstrukt, um den Vorwurf des „Terrorismus“ zu legitimieren. In Ungarn ist Terrorismus mit einer Mindeststrafe von 10 Jahren belegt. Das Berufungsgericht ging (wie das zweite Urteil der ersten Instanz) unter diese Mindeststrafe, weil es verschiedene mildernde Umstände berücksichtigte.

Doch „Milde“ hin oder her: Ahmed H. ist jetzt wegen fünf im Affekt aus mindestens 30 Meter Entfernung abgegebenen Steinwürfen gegen einen Polizeikordon, die niemanden trafen oder verletzten, ein verurteilter Terrorist. Als internationale Beobachter sind wir über diese Tatsache schockiert. Dieses Urteil zeigt erneut, dass das Verfahren von Anfang an ein politischer Prozess war, an dem Ahmed H. als Sündenbock herhalten musste, um die flüchtlingsfeindliche und rassistische Politik der ungarischen Regierung zu rechtfertigen. Ahmed H. bleibt dadurch weiterhin auf das Schwerste stigmatisiert. Dass die RichterInnen dies in Kauf genommen haben, spricht gegen ihre Unabhängigkeit von der Orban-Regierung und auch gegen die Unabhängigkeit ihres Gewissens. Zudem öffnet das Urteil durch die extensive Anwendung des Terrorismus-Begriffs Tür und Tor für die weitere Kriminalisierung von Flüchtenden und ihren UnterstützerInnen sowie von möglichen regierungskritischen sozialen Bewegungen.

Ahmed H. ist bereits seit 3 langen Jahren in verschärfter Untersuchungshaft. Das Gericht hat jetzt im rechtsgültigen Urteil diese drei Jahre in den 5 verhängten Jahren verrechnet. Der Verurteilte hat zusätzlich 10 Jahre Landesverbot bekommen und muss den grössten Teil der Verfahrenskosten tragen. Ahmed H. kann nach der Verbüssung von Zweidritteln der Strafe frei kommen. Ausserdem ordneten die RichterInnen die Überführung von Ahmed H. in den normalen Strafvollzug an und hielten fest, bei weiterhin guter Führung könne er in vier Monaten bedingt entlassen werden.

Wir freuen uns, wenn Ahmed H. endlich zu seiner Frau und seinen Kindern zurückkehren kann! Damit wäre ein kafkaeskes Trauerspiel zu Ende, das auf eklatante Weise die Verflechtung brutaler politischer Macht mit einer willfährigen Justiz zu Tage gefördert hat.

Claude Braun (CH), Camillo Römer (D) und Michael Rössler (CH, D) vom Europäischen BürgerInnen Forum, Basel (CH), Guido Ehrler, Anwalt, Basel (CH), mandatiert von den Demokratischen JuristInnen Schweiz

[Petrou Ralli 8] Ein Gespräch mit den acht Menschen von Petrou Ralli

Wir teilen ein Gespräch mit den acht Menschen von Petrou Ralli, das vom Community of Koukakis Squats geführt und veröffentlicht wurde (https://de.indymedia.org/node/24009)

Inside the fascist core of the greek state: A conversation with the 8 of
Petrou Ralli

Following is a series of testimonies from several different voices with
common experiences. It is the result of conversations between eight
ex-detained migrants from Algeria – known from the case of the “8 of
Petrou Ralli” – with female comrades from the Community of Kukaki’s
Squats. The purpose of the text is to give visibility to the reality
that the migrants imprisoned in the centres for administrative detention
and camps face every day. Those who delivered these testimonies, do no
want to serve the spectacle through which many westerners, in greece and
elsewhere, consume the migrant’s situation. It is not written from the
position of a journalist or an academic researcher. On the contrary, we
fought to take these people out of the prison, we live together, in a
community struggling against the same threat. It is the outcome of their
political will and trust, products of a long term communication that was
created by the Coordination of Collectives and Individuals Against the
Detention Centres (SSAEKΚ) since the moment they were in greek prisons
until today that are hosted in the structures of the movement. Political
will to share their experiences and uncover fascism for the next. Trust
in the ability of the movement to break the system that invisiblises
them. These testimonies enable us to perceive better the structures we
fight against, fascist structures of confinement that operate as
businesses. In order to understand what it means to encage people, all
the horror had to be laid bare. The horror of the greek, white supremacy
and its concrete reality, that humans live in their flesh and through
their existence.

First-world colonialism enforces migration to populations and sells them
the new european dream. From the moment one takes the decision to escape
a country due to its financial and political actuality finds himself,
herself struggling to pass the borders and avoid the prisons of the
various fortress states, as part of a crowded mass. Imprisonment for
migrants in europe and in greece can take many forms. One of them is the
administrative detention. The free transportation of a person is decided
on the base of hers, his papers. Ifthey are not accepted, they violently
transfer the arrested to the nearest detention centre. The cops through
a horrendous control try to tune the bodies in order to respond to a
torturing frame, a situation that is extended to the irrational time
realm of bureaucracy.But the bodies react to this dystopic reality. They
shout to demand their rights. They act. They set mattresses on fire.
They organise hunger strikes. They reach to suicide. During solidarity
gatherings, they try to communicate their word with their voices and
throw messages in bottles over the fences.

The police is really afraid of the these acts of revolt. They fear an
organised migrants’ resistance. So, they violently suppress them with
any means possible. It is usual to isolate them from the outside world,
blocking any kind of external encouragement to reach them. They want to
prevent their information and their co-organisation.On 2017, eight
detainees in Petrou Ralli, all from Algeria, were requesting to meet the
director of the prison to obtain accurate information about the reasons
of their imprisonment. Their request was met by fierce beating and
severe wounds (broken arms, skull fracture, etc.). They accused them for
revolt and escape attempt and dispersed them in different prisons around
greece. They awaited trial for over a year.

A multiform struggle arose as the needful reaction to the situation.
SSAEKΚ, in which comrades from Squat’s Community of Kukaki participate,
was in a constant, direct communication with the detainees, conducted a
counter-information campaign, organised solidarity gatherings, events in
open spaces and interventions.

In May 2018, even though the court found them guilty, allowed their
release. We offered them housing in the structures of Kukaki’s Squats.
We are a community, liberating our needs from state’s and capitalism’s
exploitation and organising our lives without hierarchy. In our spaces
they were able to stay together, rest and recuperate from the jail time,
stay away from the mafia and thepolice abuse of the peoplein the
streets. They are able to take time and explore all the available
options on how to continue their lives from now on.

As the time passed, we bonded more, building friendship and comradeship.
We lived together for more than three months. In those months, some left
for work or found other places to live, some chose to visit us
periodically. But we extended a family and our abilities to support the
struggle of those who try to reach europe and establish common ground
for actions against imprisonment, state borders, police brutality and
fascism.

In their words..

We are all from Algeria but each of us have a different story of how we
reached to greece. Four of us came through turkey and arrived in Chios
island, to a very miserable camp managed by certain NGOs. Food was not
provided and we were housed in tents. Fascists attacked us. Around 80
individuals defended the camp against them. When the police entered, two
hours later, they only arrested the Algerians.

We ended up in the detention centre of Korinthos, imprisoned for seven
months. Cops are also fascists. They don’t like Arabs and they treated
us very badly in the prison. One of us was sick and also has asthma but
they never transferred him to the hospital. This is a hardcore jail.
Food is not enough, you have to buy everything and a lot of people get
sick because of the bad hygiene. People there, self-harm as a way to get
out and numerous attempted suicide. We did some demonstrations inside
the prison because the cops weren’t accepting asylum requests. We also
organised mass hunger strikes. We managed to do four strikes of four
days each. The police responded by beating us with their sticks. During
our stay there, we were constantly itching, scratching and having
serious skin conditions. We were asking the cops to bring us to the
hospital every single day but they never cared. One of us managed to
cure himself of the infections by buying his own medicines, only a year
after when he was in Domokos prison. Before Petrou Ralli, the sent us to
other detention centres without any explanation. In Nafplio, in Tripoli…
There, the police had a lot of problems with us and they finally sent us
to “Alodapon” detention centre in Athens. We met with the others that
were already in the cell and together we became “the 8”.

The first that you see when you arrive in Alodapon is the face of the
police. A hard face “welcomes” you, especially if you are Algerian. They
push you until in the entrance of the building. “Mesa, mesa!” (Inside,
inside). They treat you badly from the beginning, they try to provoke,
they always make racist comments: “Go back to your country!”, “Why did
you come here?”, “What are you doing in greece?”. From the first moment,
we started communicating with the other prisoners. We asked questions
like: “Why are you here?”, “How is the situation in here?” and “When are
you getting out?”. But no one knew the answer for the last one.

To make make more clear the time some of the detained spend in, there is
a very characteristic example. When we firstly arrived in P. Ralli, we
met a man. A year after, when we passed again by Alodapon, to get our
release papers, we found the man there. He was detained for 14 months.

The second is the day you are really experiencing thing, the serious
things. The cops were intimidating us because we were trying to figure
out how it works inside. When you ask them the duration of your stay,
you will see that it is common to bring someone out of his cell, to the
yard or to a desk and beat him. Once, someone came back with a fractured
shoulder.

It’s really very dirty inside. They don’t provide with basic and hygiene
supplies. There are no bedsheets, towels, shampoo, soap or razors.
Everyone shouts to understand what the fuck is happening here. We are
literally like animals in cages, screamed at and beaten up. The water
comes from a dirty stock. They don’t give you water bottles so you have
to drink from there. The food is little and disgusting. They don’t give
spoons for everyone so we were eating with our dirty hands. Like this,
infections are spread fast. The bedbugs, the mosquitoes and the
cockroaches can be life-threatening in the big quantities they are. All
the beds are infected with bed bugs and you can’t sit anywhere without
getting bitten. When the police try to flush the insects out with
petrol, they went everywhere and were bitingus. The mattresses are so
infected that it is impossible to sleep normally. You can never really
sleep.

The Red Cross brought bedsheets but the police doesn’t give the things
brought by the NGOs. They come maybe once per month and the actual
conditions of the cells are hidden from them. Instead, they clean a cell
up and show them only that. The european union is making a lot of money
to keep people in jails like this. Inside everything is about money
also.They make a business out of telephones, alcohol, medicines and
drugs. If you have money the corrupted cops bring everything for you.
You can get bublecan (benzodiazepines) or shisha (the local name for
crystal meth) for a hundred euros. Many people take Subutex which is a
substitute for heroin and even though it is used for treatment, they get
addicted to it. The Georgians use it a lot.

To punish you, they might put you in the cells upstairs with the drug
addicts. They don’t have money for needles so they share the same and
spread diseases. One prisoner died from an overdose. When his inmates
took pictures with their mobiles, the copswent crazy and entered the
cells to find and take all the phones. Someone refused to give it
andthey broke three of his ribs. He was unable to walk for a month and
no doctor was involved. “Freedom” is a business also. If you bribe the
director 5000€, they will release you, directly. He is free to do as he
likes. He will write a fake report, saying that the prisoner had good
behaviour. A guy from Georgia paid this amount and when they caught him
again without papers he tried to negotiate his release for a 1000€ but
the director didn’t accept.

At the top of the hierarchy is the principal. It’s the one you never
see. He comes once per week to sign papers for deportations and all the
administrative things. Then there is the director. He comes more often
and stays in an office with the officer in charge and make jokes.
Sometimes he comes to talk with the prisoners. He is a hypocrite
pretending to comfort us. He doesn’t speak english or doesn’t like to
speak english. Once he asked for a translator from arabic to greek. When
a guy from Algeria proposed to translate, he told: “Why do you translate
for them? Don’t translate for them again! If you refuse to help them,
next time I will bring one bottle of whisky and I will set you free.”
Under him are the cops. They are divided into groups, following time
schedules. There arethree groups of 15 policemen, under the command of
the officer in charge. Petrou Ralli can keep around 450 prisoners and
sometimes only 15 policemen guard. The first group starts from 06.00 to
14.00, the second from 14.00 to 22.00 and the last from 22.00 to 06.00.
The ones who work one day at 06.00, work the next at 22.00.

There are different groups of policemen. Some of them only come to hurt
you. There is another group that pretends to be “good” cops. It’s a
role-playing game, to suppress you. When you try to get their attention,
with a hunger strike for example, if a cop convinces you to stop or
punishes you, he is job is recognised. On the contrary, if they don’t
work well the principalpressures them. If you don’t want to eat they
might come inside your cell and beat you up. Some prisoners refuse to
eat when certain cops have shift because they don’t want the cop to be
rewarded for making them eat. Their job is to never let us protest. To
calm us when we make too much noise or if we protest, to hit us. They
are drunk most of the day.

One of their main targets is to force the detainees to force them to
request deportation. This is a very hard situation for the refugees that
come from countries in war, like Syria, Iraq or Afghanistan. Somemay
don’t want to leave without their family or because of the unbearable
and dangerous reality in their countries. Although, they are forces to
sign. On top of that, you are unable to know anything about the news and
the circumstances in your country. There is no TV, no access to
newspapers. The cops say that they will randomly deport a bunch of
people back to Turkey. During the solidarity gatherings in front of the
prison, they forbid us from reaching the windows. They will suddenly
serve food to distract us and punish the ones who will try to
communicate with the outside world. Exactly because of the lack of
external communication, people are afraid and the cops know very well
how to play with this general uncertainty. Everything inside is
uncertain. You have to choose what you believe and that’s how they play
you. They joke, they laugh and threat people with deportation. “Don’t
worry, we will deport all of you”. There is another example withthe
director that was mentioned before. Once he came inside and called
everyone to say there is news. “I will help all of you that came by sea.
I will help you to come back to your country and I will give you a 500€.
You will go back by plane with no risk.” When we denied his “help” he
answered that he will send us all back to Turkey and that the day we
will start crying for deportation will come but he will not deport us.

When the day of their deportation comes, people put shit in their hair
or on their body. Like that the cops don’t touch them, don’t hit them,
and sometimes don’t deport them. They wait at the door and the door gets
full of shit too. Every day something like this happens and shit smells
all over the jail.

One of us drank chlorine in order to be brought to the hospital and
avoid deportation. The other time he drank soap. The director of the
jail visited him in the hospital and he ate the buttons of his shirt. He
answered to the doctors that asked him why he acts like this that he
doesn’t want to go back to Algeria. They sent him back to Alodapon with
a letter stating that he needs to get out of this environment. It was
ignored. Instead, they gave him tranquillizers and sleeping pills.

When sick people request to go to the hospital they don’t care. Since
they don’t see blood, they find no reason for hospitalisation. They
bully you like the visit is a walk and you just want to go there to meet
people and talk with them. One day, a guy from Iran tried to slit his
throat and the cops had to send him to the hospital. One day later they
brought him back to Petrou Ralli. He didn’t have clothes any more
because he let them at the hospital, neither had he something to cover
his throat. It was winter and it is really cold there and they don’t
even give clothes to the prisoners.

They keep this kind of stories hidden. They avoid bringing people to the
hospital because their stories will be heard by the psychologist or the
staff of the hospital. If they believe that someone might kill himself
because of the way he istreated, they would request from the director to
let him out of the jail immediately. But they don’t care if you are in
danger. In many prisons in greece, I’ve said them that I’ll kill myself,
and the answer was always: “Okay, go kill yourself”. Most of the
psychiatrists are also fascists. They mess with your psychology. If you
protest they give you sleeping pills to be powerless and not talk. They
mightprescribeyou three medicinesper day. They even put pills in the
food so as to go to sleep immediately after.

One day we asked to see the director. We made some noise. But we only
saw his assistant. We wanted to know more about our cases. Why we are
closed inside this jail and when we will go out. A cop came and told us
to write the names and the nationalities of some of us who have been
inside Petrou Ralli for more than nine months, in a piece of paper. We
waited but a two days after we found the paper with our names in a trash
bin. So we asked again. This time, the cop who came told us that only
the principal can answer our questions and that he will be back on
Monday, at 07:30. Next Monday, we all asked the police to call him to
ask about our files and everything. They said that they we’ll bring him
in a minuteand they went to an office, changed theiruniforms and wore
MAT (anti-riot police)gear. I heard them when they opened the door.

We didn’t think that they might come for that. We had done nothing
wrong. We just wanted to talk to someone in charge. After they opened
the door, they wanted to throw outside the cell the person in front to
beat him. We grabbed him and pulled him back inside. “After that, they
started to hit me and everyone there with a metal stick. They hit my
head and I tried to protect myself. My face was covered in blood and I
couldn’t see anything. I ran to escape and hide. I heard everyone
getting beaten. I heard my friend screaming. They hit him badly and he
had a wound on his head and a lot of blood”. “The other prisoners in the
first room thought they were going to die inside because they beat them
a lot. After that, they didn’t want to bring us to the hospital. They
just took one person who had very serious and dangerous wounds and the
others stayed until 14:00, until the change of shift. They started to
take us one by one to the hospital without really caring about us”. “I
had my arm broken and a lot of wounds on my head. I had to wait until
16:00 because I wanted the others who had more serious wounds to go
before me”. The doctor said to one of us who had serious wounds on the
head that they brought him too late to the hospital. After waitinghe
hadseven stitches. The other had maybe twelve stitches. “Because I hid,
they started to search for me. They went into the room I was hidden and
the people of this cell did not tell them I was there. I was helping the
other prisoners because I can translate for them and the police don’t
like that. This day, they looked for me specifically because I was the
one to translate and ask for the director in order to help the ones that
stayed a lot of time in Petrou Ralli. I was talking a lot and asking why
they didn’t help this or that one. They didn’t find me because the
people that witnessed everything said nothing.” One of them, from
Georgia, took pictures of us and the police talked with him in greek and
told him: “Let these people down, don’t help them because you will have
problems with us”. But he sent the pictures to his wife. After they
found about that, they filed a case against us, accusing us of starting
a riot to excuse their violence. We were sent to penal jails. Three days
after the cops took all the phones inside Petrou Ralli and deported
around 70 persons. They also hit other people. Every morning since then
the prisoners shouted to the police about what happened. The police kept
pressuring them.

[Röszke11] “Wenn sie mich bestrafen können, dann kann es jede*n treffen” – Aufruf zu Ahmed H.`s Prozess am 20.09.

Der nächste Prozess gegen Ahmed H. findet am 20.9. in Szeged/Ungarn statt.

Adresse:
Szegedi Ítélőtábla (Berufungsgericht)
6721 Szeged
Sóhordó utca 5
Beginn 9h

Ahmed H. wurde wegen “Terrorismus” in Ungarn zuletzt zu 7 Jahren Haft
verurteilt, weil er im September 2015 mit tausend anderen Geflüchteten
am Grenzübergang Röszke (Serbien/Ungarn) gegen die plötzliche Schließung
der Grenze protestierte.

Ahmed dient Orbán und seiner rechten Partei Fidesz als Sündenbock für
ihre rassistische Politik gegen Geflüchtete.
Der letzte Prozess in 1. Instanz fand im März 2018 statt (siehe unseren
Prozessbericht auf www.freetheroszke11.weebly.com) kurz vor den
Parlamentswahlen statt, aus denen Orbán als satter Sieger hervorging.
Gegen das Urteil zu 7 Jahren Haft (statt zuvor 10 Jahren) legten
Verteidigung und Staatsanwalt Berufung ein.

Nun wird das Berufungsgericht zum zweiten Mal entscheiden.

Ahmed sagt, wenn wir diesen Prozess ignorieren, dann ist er nur ein
erstes Opfer des neuen rechten Justiz-Systems:

“Wenn sie mich bestrafen können, dann kann es jede*n treffen. Mit diesem
Prozess erschaffen sie neues Recht. Ich war nur ein Mensch in einer
großen Menschenmenge und sie verurteilen mich als Terrorist.
Wenn sie das mit mir machen können, dann kann das zukünftig jeden und
jede treffen, der/die sich in einer Menschenmenge aufhält.”

Ahmed ist inzwischen seit drei Jahren im Knast in Budapest. Er muss
sofort raus!

Lasst uns im Prozess Solidarität zeigen! Kommt nach Szeged! Spread the
word! Zeig deine Wut auf die Ungarische Regierung!

#FreeAhmed #FreeTheRöszke11
stay tuned:
https://freetheroszke11.weebly.com/
@freetheroszke11

[Harmali21] Prozess gegen die Harmanli21 hat begonnen

Yesterday, the trial against the Harmanli 21 has started finally, after it was already postponed two times. Still only 10 people were present in front of the court and were brought in via the back door. The local District Court of Harmanli announced that during the trial more than 60 witnesses will be questioned. The fact that no investigation was done by the authorities concerning the police violence against the asylum seekers in the camp of Harmanli was criticized by Bulgarian Human Rights Organizations. In front of the court a group of people protested in solidarity of the accused migrants. The next court hearing will take place on the 11th of September 2018.

Source: http://bulgaria.bordermonitoring.eu/2018/08/07/the-trial-against-the-harmanli-21-has-started/